에 대한 답변 [Recent Tests-Bộ VOL] - Temperament

Although temperament–the way an individual normally behaves–is a key concept in psychology, as yet, developmental psychologists have not found a single agreed framework to define and measure this human trait.

One of the most influential studies of temperament has been the New York Longitudinal Study (NYLS), initiated during the 1950s by Thomas and Chess. They were the first researchers to develop a systematic theory, and they used a nine-dimensional framework for describing children's temperament across a wide age range, from infancy to adolescence. These dimensions represented behavioural aspects such as activity level, adaptability, distractibility (how easily distracted a child is) and attention span.

6One of the major difficulties with this framework is that it has not been possible to confirm that these nine dimensions are independent aspects of temperament. Such in dependence is important, because if any two factors are highly correlated, this implies that a single factor could be used instead. In fact, it is likely that there are fewer than nine independent influences on children's behaviour. For example, a child who is very distractible is also likely to have a short attention span.

Thomas and Chess also suggest that as well as separate dimensions, there are distinct types of temperament. Based on the NYLS sample, they suggest that the basic temperament types can be identified early in infancy: the 'easy' child, the 'slow to warm up' child, and the difficult child. In 1968, they presented findings that indicated that children with the difficult style were at increased risk of later behavioural problems.

7However, the concept of the difficult temperament type has been the subject of much controversy. It was argued that the concept was primarily a product of the parents' perceptions of their children, rather than differences in the child's actual behaviour. 8This concern reached its height when Vaughan found that mothers' future ratings of temperament could be reliably identified before the child was born. Vaughan et al (1987) measured aspects of mother's personalities and attitudes towards child-rearing during their pregnancies and found them to be related to their subsequent ratings of the child's temperament. It was therefore argued that the temperament measure was more influenced by characteristics of the mother than the child.

9An alternative theory of temperament was proposed by Buss and Plomin (1984). Partly in response to criticisms of the over-complexity of the Thomas and Chess framework, these researchers developed a simpler system. They were also more strongly influenced by theories of adult personality than were Thomas and Chess.

Buss and Plomin suggested that both experimental laboratory studies and analyses of questionnaire data indicated that there were just three independent temperament dimensions: emotionality, activity and sociability.

1In developing their system, Buss and Plomin sought to identify traits that showed early emergence and strong genetic influence, since they considered that these traits are the basis for adult personality. Despite the differences between the two groups of researchers, both see temperamental differences as varying along a continuum.

4In contrast, Kagan (1988) emphasises qualitative distinctions. He and his colleagues have been studying children who they regard as belonging to distinct categories, as determined by their response to unfamiliar events and people. 10On the basis of a systematic series of observations of their behaviour in the laboratory, they suggest that 15 per cent or so of children aged 2-3 years are very shy and timid when faced with the unfamiliar. A roughly equal percentage are uninhibited and socially responsive when confronting unfamiliar people. These two groups show a high degree (75 per cent) of stability into middle childhood, with the children becoming quiet and cautious, and talkative and sociable respectively. 2This means, for example, that for the substantial majority of children who show extreme shyness in middle childhood, this is not simply a consequence of recent stresses and upsets, but rather a reflection of enduring qualities of their behaviour.

3Kagan proposes that very specific sites in the brain, which regulate emotional behaviour and long-term memory, are responsible for differences in behavioural style. He has shown some physiological differences between these groups of children on measures such as heart rate, heart rate variability and pupil dilation These are all features which indicate the degree of the child's emotional reactions to experiences.

11Dunn and Kendrick (1982) have offered an alternative model for the nature of temperamental differences. They found that most children showed some behavioural reaction to the arrival in the family of a new baby, such as disturbed sleep, increased demands for attention, and more tearfulness, and that differences in the intensity of these reactions were related to temperamental characteristics of the children, as measured before the new sibling was born. 5They also found that temperamental differences were related to differences in the quality of the interaction between the mother and the older child.

Dunn and Kendrick emphasised that children's behaviour is not independent of the situations in which they find themselves. They suggest that the behavioural style that a child will show in a particular setting is partly a property of the relationship between the child and the other person. To the extent that this relationship is stable, so then will the temperamental differences be stable. Using this explanation, it can be seen that the continuing action of genetic effects on behaviour is not the only mechanism that can produce stable individual differences in behaviour. It is important that theories of temperament consider the child's behaviour in a social context and not in isolation.